First, a couple of examples–both examples of the continued ethnic cleansing project that is part and parcel of the Zionist state.
In Al Quds:
Last Sunday [27 July], around 11:30 A.M., my parents were abroad and I was home alone. The bell rang and when I opened the door, I saw three Jerusalem Municipality inspectors and a Border Police officer with high-rank insignias on his shoulder. The officer said he was a senior official in the army. They came into the house and went from room to room. I didn’t think it important because this wasn’t the first time that municipal officials and police had come to the house.
That evening, I went to spend the night at my aunt’s house, which is situated next to ours, because I didn’t want to sleep at home alone.
Around 1 A.M., a neighbor called and told me the municipality and the police might come at night to the building, and that I should be at home. Around 2, I returned home, with my aunt. We waited and couldn’t sleep. We heard the neighbors moving about on the stairs.
Around 3:30 A.M., I heard the sound of stun grenades exploding. After that, there was banging on the door. My aunt and I went to open it. When I opened the door, a few policemen burst in with black masks on their faces. They had five huge dogs with them. They ordered us to leave the building immediately. I told one of them that I wanted to get dressed because I was in pajamas. He said he would go into the room with me and I shouted at him and didn’t agree. He swore at me. Then the policemen hit me in the back and slapped me. One of the dogs came over to my leg and almost attacked me. Out of fear, I kicked it. Because I kicked the dog, the policemen hit me again, and one of them grabbed me by the hair and threw me to the floor. One of the policemen stepped on my back and the others kicked me and continued to swear at me.
This lasted for a few minutes. Then one of the policemen grabbed me by the shoulder and lifted me up. He pushed me out of the apartment and down the stairs. There were lots of policemen in the stairway, and they hit and punched me. While they were removing me, I begged them to let me go back to the house so I could at least take my passport and jewelry, which was worth more than $50,000. I had diamonds and there was also lots of money in the apartment, about $50,000 that my father was holding for some people. In my study there was my final project that I was working on for school, and I had things for school I wanted to take off the computer.
As the defense establishment gears up to carry out the ruling of the High Court of Justice regarding the disputed house in the West Bank city of Hebron, settlers are preparing to take a defiant stand in what has become an emblematic symbol of the schism between the government and the settler movement.
Speaking to Ynet on Sunday, extreme-right activist Baruch Marzel warned against the planned evacuation. “I think we will forget what happened in Amona. We have come to actual war. All of Judea and Samaria and the Land of Israel will not stand silent in the face of this horrible crime,” he said from the sidelines of the annual memorial conference for slain Rabbi Meir Kahane, founder of the outlawed Kach movement.
The High Court rejected the petition filed by the Jewish settlers in Hebron against the state’s decision to evacuate the disputed house, and ruled it must be cleared within three days’ time. The judges accepted the state’s position and determined that until the ownership dispute is settled, the property would be in the hands of the state.
But Marzel rejected the court’s authority. “We must go to war, using any means to prevent this crime from occurring. If you ask the High Court whether it is permissible to breathe, it would say only Arabs are allowed,” he said.
And in Gaza from the incomparable Jonathan Cook:
In a further blow, Israel’s large Bank Hapoalim said it would refuse all transactions with Gaza by the end of the month, effectively imposing a financial blockade on an economy dependent on the Israeli shekel. Other banks are planning to follow suit, forced into a corner by Israel’s declaration in Sept 2007 of Gaza as an “enemy entity”.
There are likely to be few witnesses to Gaza’s descent into a dark and hungry winter. In the past week, all journalists were refused access to Gaza, as were a group of senior European diplomats. Days earlier, dozens of academics and doctors due to attend a conference to assess the damage done to Gazans’ mental health were also turned back.
Israel has blamed the latest restrictions of aid and fuel to Gaza on Hamas’s violation of a five-month ceasefire by launching rockets out of the Strip. But Israel had a hand in shattering the agreement: as the world was distracted by the US presidential elections, the army invaded Gaza, killing six Palestinians and provoking the rocket fire.
The humanitarian catastrophe gripping Gaza is largely unrelated to the latest tit-for-tat strikes between Hamas and Israel. Nearly a year ago, Karen Koning AbuZayd, commissioner-general of the UN’s refugee agency, warned: “Gaza is on the threshold of becoming the first territory to be intentionally reduced to a state of abject destitution”.
She blamed Gaza’s strangulation directly on Israel, but also cited the international community as accomplice. Together they began blocking aid in early 2006, following the election of Hamas to head the Palestinian Authority (PA).
The US and Europe agreed to the measure on the principle that it would force the people of Gaza to rethink their support for Hamas. The logic was supposedly similar to the one that drove the sanctions applied to Iraq under Saddam Hussein through the 1990s: if Gaza’s civilians suffered enough, they would rise up against Hamas and install new leaders acceptable to Israel and the West.
As Ms AbuZayd said, that moment marked the beginning of the international community’s complicity in a policy of collective punishment of Gaza, despite the fact that the Fourth Geneva Convention classifies such treatment of civilians as a war crime.
The blockade has been pursued relentlessly since, even if the desired outcome has been no more achieved in Gaza than it was in Iraq. Instead, Hamas entrenched its control and cemented the Strip’s physical separation from the Fatah-dominated West Bank.
Far from reconsidering its policy, Israel’s leadership has responded by turning the screw ever tighter – to the point where Gazan society is now on the verge of collapse.
In truth, however, the growing catastrophe being unleashed on Gaza is only indirectly related to Hamas’s rise to power and the rocket attacks.
Of more concern to Israel is what each of these developments represents: a refusal on the part of Gazans to abandon their resistance to Israel’s continuing occupation. Both provide Israel with a pretext for casting aside the protections offered to Gaza’s civilians under international law to make them submit.
With embarrassing timing, the Israeli media revealed at the weekend that one of the first acts of Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas prime minister elected in 2006, was to send a message to the Bush White House offering a long-term truce in return for an end to Israeli occupation. His offer was not even acknowledged.
Instead, according to the daily Jerusalem Post, Israeli policymakers have sought to reinforce the impression that “it would be pointless for Israel to topple Hamas because the population [of Gaza] is Hamas”. On this thinking, collective punishment is warranted because there are no true civilians in Gaza. Israel is at war with every single man, woman and child.
In an indication of how widely this view is shared, the cabinet discussed last week a new strategy to obliterate Gazan villages in an attempt to stop the rocket launches, in an echo of discredited Israeli tactics used in south Lebanon in its war of 2006. The inhabitants would be given warning before indiscriminate shelling began.
In fact, Israel’s desire to seal off Gaza and terrorise its civilian population predates even Hamas’s election victory. It can be dated to Ariel Sharon’s disengagement of summer 2005, when Fatah’s rule of the PA was unchallenged.
An indication of the kind of isolation Mr Sharon preferred for Gaza was revealed shortly after the pull-out, in Dec 2005, when his officials first proposed cutting off electricity to the Strip.
The policy was not implemented, the local media pointed out at the time, both because officials suspected the violation of international law would be rejected by other nations and because it was feared that such a move would damage Fatah’s chances of winning the elections the following month.
With the vote over, however, Israel had the excuse it needed to begin severing its responsibility for the civilian population. It recast its relationship with Gaza from one of occupation to one of hostile parties at war. A policy of collective punishment that was considered transparently illegal in late 2005 has today become Israel’s standard operating procedure.
Increasingly strident talk from officials, culminating in February in the deputy defence minister Matan Vilnai’s infamous remark about creating a “shoah”, or Holocaust, in Gaza, has been matched by Israeli measures. The military bombed Gaza’s electricity plant in June 2006, and has been incrementally cutting fuel supplies ever since. In January, Mr Vilnai argued that Israel should cut off “all responsibility” for Gaza and two months later Israel signed a deal with Egypt for it to build a power station for Gaza in Sinai.
All of these moves are designed with the same purpose in mind: persuading the world that Israel’s occupation of Gaza is over and that Israel can therefore ignore the laws of occupation and use unremitting force against Gaza.
Cabinet ministers have been queuing up to express such sentiments. Ehud Olmert, for example, has declared that Gazans should not be allowed to “live normal lives”; Avi Dichter believes punishment should be inflicted “irrespective of the cost to the Palestinians”; Meir Sheetrit has urged that Israel should “decide on a neighbourhood in Gaza and level it” – the policy discussed by ministers last week.
In concert, Israel has turned a relative blind eye to the growing smuggling trade through Gaza’s tunnels to Egypt. Gazans’ material welfare is falling more heavily on Egyptian shoulders by the day.
The question remains: what does Israel expect the response of Gazans to be to their immiseration and ever greater insecurity in the face of Israeli military reprisals?
Eyal Sarraj, the head of Gaza’s Community Mental Health Programme, said this year that Israel’s long-term goal was to force Egypt to end the controls along its short border with the Strip. Once the border was open, he warned, “Wait for the exodus.”
Second, while there are some Zionists–like those in the Kach Movement active in illegal Israeli settlements in Khalil–who blatantly proscribe ethnic cleansing under the banner of “transfer” of Palestinians via armed conflicts with Palestinians and the Israeli Terrorist Forces alike, most Zionists like to mask their racism pretending like Zionists are not colonists who ethnically cleansed and are cleansing Palestine of its indigenous inhabitants. Whenever such historical facts come to light, whenever they are aired in public, they do their best to silence it.
Thus, as Palestine Think Tank reports, a scholarly volume of work is under attack because Zionists don’t like to read the truth about themselves. Below is the entry for Zionism in the encyclopedia as well as a course of action you may take to protest this sort of censorship.
The Encyclopaedia is the first such work examining the anthropological, sociological, historical, economic, and scientific theories of race and racism in the modern era. The set delves into the historic origins of ideas of race and racism and explores their social and scientific consequences. Some of the nearly 400 articles address broad theoretical topics that have helped to shape modern ideas about race and racism; others address more specific subjects in the larger fields. Zionism is one of those racist ideas explored in this book. It was written by Dr. Noel Ignatiev.
In October 2008, the American Jewish Committee objected to the encyclopedia article on Zionism that Dr. Ignatiev wrote for “The Encyclopedia of Race and Racism“. In an effort to hide the truth behind Zionism, Zionist lobbies are now putting huge pressure on the publishing house to remove the article in which Dr. Ignatiev described Israel as a racial state, where rights are assigned on the basis of ascribed descent or the approval of the superior race and likened it to Nazi Germany and the Southern United States before the civil rights movement.
Now, you can guess where this is heading. You can see why the Zionists are going apoplectic – the article doesn’t just make the case for the Palestinian right of return but also quotes Lenni Brenner on Zionist collaboration with the Nazis. And much more.
Please sign the petition at:
And you can also send individual e-mail messages to the publishers via:
They can be reached at:
Fax: 1-877-363-4253 Monday-Friday 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. EST or visit:
I wonder how the Ku Klux Klan would fare if it could hide behind an abused label like anti-Semitism or a history of violence directed against white people? Would they get their own state too?